Primed for Success? Cornwall Council dreams of growth

Cornwall Council earlier this year commissioned a ‘governance review’, asking four external experts to examine its ‘governance arrangements’ with a view to recommending what governance should look like in 2021 ‘to help Cornwall achieve its ambitions’. In reality of course, this last should have read ‘to help Cornwall Council achieve its ambitions’.

The resulting report, optimistically entitled Primed for Success, is well-meaning, but predictable, uninspiring and fundamentally flawed. It’s touchingly naive or silent about the structural challenges Cornwall faces, apparently unaware of Cornish claims to special treatment in terms of government, narrow and timid in its recommendations and thoroughly wedded to dominant ideological dogma. Which may be what Cornwall Council’s leadership wanted.

On the other hand, that leadership won’t be so keen on a major disjunction that the report highlights, although one passed over without mention in the Council’s own gushing press release. In their ‘vision of Cornwall in 2021’, the Governance Review Group looks forward to a time when ‘the majority of residents feel that they can inform local decision making and satisfaction with the Council is above the national average and increasing year by year’ (p.4). Achieving this in just five years might seem a tad ambitious when placed alongside the findings of the report.

For example, there was a ‘poor public perception’ of the Council (p.6). ‘We witnessed members of the public and town and parish councillors being highly vocal in their criticism of the Council’ (p.9). There was a ‘deep rooted opinion that the Council does not care about its communities, that it makes decisions in its best interests rather than for the wider good’ (p.9). ‘Communities do not feel listened to’, while ‘public consultation is little more than a box-ticking exercise’ and there was a ‘perceived arrogance’ in Cornwall Council’s dealings with local communities (p.12). Even the Council’s ‘partners’ were unenthusiastic, with a ‘strong perception … that the Council only took their views at a late stage of policy development or decision making’ (p.6).

The reaction of councillors and officers to this only reinforces the impression of remote arrogance. ‘We heard many times some puzzlement from councillors and officers that the Council was not as highly regarded as they would expect’ (p.6). Which perfectly illustrates how hopelessly out of touch they are with opinion in the grassroots in Cornwall.

The contrast between the councillors’ and officers’ perceptions and community views is blamed in part by the Review Group on a lack of ‘professional communications’ (p.6). (Which might be expected given that its Chair is a ‘communications professional’ and another member of the group worked in the media.) Another part of the blame is assigned to councillors who lack ‘corporate loyalty’ (p.10). Members were sometimes openly critical of the Council, something the Review Group was ‘surprised’ at. Echoing the peer review hatchet job performed on the Strategic Planning Committee by the Local Government Association last November, the Review authors called for a changed role for councillors. They need to ‘be part of a shared vision for Cornwall, the strategic position on issues such as growth and commercialisation will have implications for their communities for which they need to serve as advocates’ (p.11). It’s a little unclear from this whether they should be advocates for their communities or advocates for the strategic position. The implication is the latter, as it was in the planning peer review last year.

What is it about the word ‘representative’ in the phrase ‘representative democracy’ that these people don’t understand? Call me old-fashioned but I thought that in a representative democracy we voted for representatives who are then accountable to, although not mandated by, those who elect them. Now, it seems the primary role of those we elect is to represent the interests of the institution they are elected to back to their voters, rather than represent our interests in the decision-making of that institution.

The underlying agenda of both this report and the planning peer review seems to be to muzzle even further councillors’ ability or desire to represent their electorates. Councillors are no longer a sounding board for democratic opinion, a bridge between sovereign voters and institutions of government; they have become an inconvenient barrier to executive strategy.

Rather naively, the Review Group felt that those who told them ‘the Council takes the side of developers over communities’ merely had a ‘perception’ this was so (p.9). No, this is no unfounded or trivial ‘perception’. The Council’s Housing Devolution Bid, irresponsibly adding houses to an already bloated housing target; the close relationships between planning officers and developers; the words of Head of Planning Phil Mason that ‘although there is a perception in Cornwall that development is a bad thing, our joint role is all about making people’s lives better through development’ (Planning Agents Forum meeting, October 2015) are surely enough to convince anyone beyond any shadow of a doubt that the Council is most definitely taking ‘the side of developers over communities’.

If this is the case then councillors are being told to become advocates for a ‘vision’ which boils down merely to more population and housing growth sweetened by vague promises of ‘jobs’ and a higher GVA. This sits strangely with another recommendation of the Review Group that councillors should cease to see their role as unqualified social workers but should ‘develop community resilience’ (p.30). How they’re supposed to do this at the same time as justifying the growth agenda and exposing their communities to massive population growth pressures is unexplained.

Cornwall Council's 'vision'; our nightmare

Cornwall Council’s ‘vision’; our nightmare

One thing the Review Group calls for that we can all agree on is the ‘need for a unified vision and strategy for Cornwall’ (p.10). But whose ‘vision’? The implicit vision in this document seems to be the same tired old business-as-usual, never-ending-growth scenario. The authors of the Review have plainly never read Tim Jackson’s call for a stable state economy (Prosperity without Growth: Economics for a Finite Planet, 2009), which makes a powerful case against an illogical growth economy that is destroying our planet. Or if they have read it they don’t understand it. Instead, growth is taken for granted and the anodyne vision is merely that ‘all places and communities … share in the benefit of growth’ (p.7). The Review Group even uncritically repeats the bizarre assertion made by the planning peer review last November that ‘some in the private sector (believe) that Cornwall is not ‘open for business’, due to a resistance to growth’ (p.10).

But this isn’t just any old growth. This is neo-liberal growth, private sector-led growth. The Review Group’s ‘vision’ therefore includes an enhanced role for business. Cornwall Council should ‘set the economic, environmental and social agenda for Cornwall with the business community’ (p.7). The ‘private sector will increasingly be funding public services’ (p.11), they say, meekly accepting the sell-off of public assets that hides behind the rhetoric of austerity politics and neo-liberal dogma. ‘This will necessitate a much stronger voice for the business community in local decision making’ (p.11).

While business is given a privileged place in the ‘vision’ the Review Group maps out for Cornwall Council, local communities have a much more passive role. The word ‘democracy’ is mentioned just once in the 37 pages of the main text. ‘Deliberative local democracy’ whatever that is, should be developed, but even then as part of ‘effective’ decision making, not as a value or goal in its own right.

Meanwhile, what about the Cornish Assembly? This is dismissed in one short paragraph. The report states that ‘the model was described as more outward-looking, able to promote and sell Cornwall’ (p.22). However, by not commenting directly on it, it resisted drawing attention to this alternative to an unfit for purpose Cornwall Council.

Primed for Success was drawn up by an external review group. External in one sense perhaps, in that only one of its four members lived in Cornwall. But the group was hardly external in another, being embedded in that shadowy quango-world of the project class, with only an arms-length relationship to the concept of democratic accountability. The Chair, Jacqui McKinlay, is Chief Executive of the London-based Centre for Policy Scrutiny and describes herself as a communications professional. Before that, she spent several years in local government. Andrew Campbell is Associate Director at the Local Government Association and spent much of his career as a Whitehall bureaucrat. Jane McCloskey is a business consultant with a background in media management. Oliver Baines is Chief Executive of the Cornwall Community Foundation.

All have, or had, close relations with the world of local government. Perhaps a review group more external to that world might have come up with some more innovative solutions and realised that Cornwall Council and its ‘growth vision’ is actually most of the problem, not the solution.

Posted in Cornwall Council;, discourses and ideologies | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

What’s the summer population of Cornwall?

As you’re stuck in a traffic jam this summer ponder a puzzle. What exactly is the population of Cornwall in August? It’s surprisingly difficult to find a simple answer to this question.

The latest guess (by the ONS) is that Cornwall’s resident population in 2014 was 545,000. This obviously rises in summer. But by how many? While some are content to say it ‘rises massively‘ and leave it at that, others are quick to quantify. Kerry Smith, the editor of British Airways High Life tweeted in 2014 that the population of Cornwall increases from 250,000 in winter to 7 million in summer. As she was wrong on the winter population by a factor of two, the figure for the summer population is also likely to be hopelessly inaccurate.

smith tweetPerhaps she got her information from the same place as the Daily Telegraph. In 2011 that paper told us with a straight face that the ‘latest figures’ (although it didn’t divulge where those could be found) meant that Cornwall’s population swells ‘to more than 5 million‘. As the Telegraph was bent on frightening its readers with the prospects of a tourist tax (some chance), it’s likely they were hyping up the possible effects.

We might start to get a little suspicious of these figures when we read the Plymouth Herald reporting earlier this year that the population of Cornwall AND Devon rises more than five-fold in summer (from 1.5 million – near enough correct – to 8 million). Yet the police were quoted saying the rise in emergency calls amount to just 35% in summer.

Enjoying the Cornish countryside

Enjoying the Cornish countryside

These claims for the size of the summer population are nonsense. If they were, we wouldn’t be able to get anywhere on the roads. In fact, according to Visit Britain, the number of holiday trips to Cornwall over a whole year equates to just under 3 million. It’s actually fallen from a peak of 3.1 million in 2009-11 to 2.8 million over the past three years. We can add to that another million or so trips made to friends and relatives, to second homes and for business reasons, although these elements are not broken down.

This amounts to 3-4 million trips a year. Around 15% of those trips are compressed into the month of August, which suggests around 450,000 to 600,000 trips will have been made to Cornwall this month. This would certainly explain the state of the roads without recourse to ridiculously inflated population estimates of 5-7 million.

So if everyone stayed for a whole month the population would rise by around half a million. But they don’t. Visit Cornwall claims that the average stay is 8.5 nights in summer. Even if we assume everyone stays for a fortnight that means an extra 225-300,000 people at any one time in August, an awful lot lower than some of the apocalyptic figures floating around. Put it another way, the summer population grows by around 40 to 55%.

It is possible this is an underestimate. Cornwall Council’s ‘demographic evidence base’ of 2011 told us that the population of Newquay grows ten-fold in summer. That’s around 200,000. If this is true, it only leaves 100,000 visitors for the rest of Cornwall, which seems unlikely. But the source for Cornwall Council’s claim, as with so many tourism-related statistics, is opaque, to say the least.

Balancing that, some usual residents will be away on holiday themselves in other places, so the net rise of population will be less than is implied by these gross figures.

Getting away from it all? In summer, Cornwall's population density, is higher, in many cases far higher, than most of rural England and Wales.

Getting away from it all? In summer, Cornwall’s population density, is higher, in many cases far higher, than most of rural England and Wales.

What are we left with? A summer population of between 770,000 and 850,000 is my best guess. And what are the implications? First, we don’t need to imagine huge 5–7 million jumps in population to explain the congestion and chaos we see everyday around us. The actual population growth caused by tourism is far more modest. Second, the real unsustainable problem is not so much tourist numbers, which are stagnating, but steady in-migration and population growth. If the current rate of permanent population growth in Cornwall continues on its present path the resident population alone will reach the current August population in 60 years time. By the 2070s January will be like August now. And August will be like … ????

Posted in population growth, second homes | Leave a comment

Brexit’s potential silver linings

What are the silver linings to the Brexit cloud?

The first and most promising is the effect on the property market. During the referendum campaign, George Osborne and the Treasury predicted that house prices would fall by 18% and David Cameron chimed in to claim mortgages would be more expensive. Of course, it was a little difficult to tell whether this had any basis in reality or was just another scare story blowing around in the blizzard of mendacity that passed for campaigning. However, prices at the luxury end of the London market are falling, shares in property funds plummeting and the construction industry slumped badly last month. So maybe house prices will fall and the building bubble burst before it’s even properly under way.

But if you think that’ll solve Cornwall’s housing crisis and the serious imbalance between affordability and unaffordability then think again. If prices fall developers will just sit on their land and restrict supply until they rise again. That’s how the market works and the provision of houses is almost entirely dependent on market mechanisms these days. Don’t forget the excessive number of planning permissions that have been thrown around like confetti since 2010 and the 17% leap in Cornwall’s housing target. That’ll be more than enough to ensure that after any temporary difficulties builders will be back at work all over our green and pleasant land. Cornwall’s problematic status as a prime spot for asset speculation and a source of unearned income needs a lot more radical, structural reform and will survive any short-term ups and downs in the property market.

Second, EU grants may end. This could mean an end to the high-status prestige projects that have hoovered up a large chunk of EU money – for example subsidising non-Cornish academic institutions or uneconomic tourist attractions and the steady haemorrhaging of cash into Cornwall Council’s pet project – Newquay airport. Maybe, if the tap dries up, this will cause the Council to have a long-overdue rethink. It may conclude it’s got its priorities wrong. Instead of stubbornly insisting on pouring generous wads of public money into plans to boost global warming and subsidise second home ownership, it could decide to pay for communities’ libraries or public toilets.

But again, don’t get too excited. The unaccountable Local Enterprise Partnership and Cornwall Council are already lobbying hard for EU grants to be fully replaced by Westminster grants. This will pay for their latest grandiose but utterly daft plans for a spaceport at Newquay and those less publicised infrastructural ‘improvements’ needed to ‘unlock’ land which can then be used for lots of lovely houses, many right next to that spaceport it seems.

Third, and more tentatively, we’re now rid of the neoliberal austerity politics of the EU. Mind you, this might be a case of out of the neoliberal pan and straight into the neoliberal fire. Yet, as George Monbiot reminds us, there is a window of opportunity here for alternative and more sustainable approaches to organising our economy. However, expect the political class to rush to close it and restore ‘business as usual’ as quickly as possible, just as they did after the financial panic of 2008.

Finally, presumably having got what they’ve wanted, the obsessives of Ukip have no raison d’etre left. I expect they’ll soon dissolve their party, which is now surplus to requirements

For more observations on the politics of the post-Brexit era see here.

Posted in Uncategorized | Tagged | 2 Comments

Time warp at Cornwall Council. 30 years on and still powerless.

Here’s a report from the West Briton

Housing protests may backfire‘.
Objectors to … forecasts of massive increases in Cornwall’s housing needs were warned last week that their protests could achieve the opposite effect

Planning officers hastened to warn councillors that if they opposed the housing target being proposed ‘the Government would step in and change them and their figures were higher‘.

What’s so unusual about that, you may ask.

The report is from January 1988. Almost 30 years on and nothing has changed. Planning officers are still bullying elected members into adopting ridiculously high housing targets. Cornwall Council still seems depressingly useless in the face of the juggernaut of population growth fuelled by mass in-migration.

Except that the target the councillors were so worried about in 1988 was 39,500. Now we’re looking at least at 52,500, despite a lower rate of population growth over the past decade. Another difference is that councillors back in 1988 had sufficient nerve to over-rule their officers, telling them to go back and re-assess the forecasts.

population change 61-11 smallIn 1988 Councillor Harvey Lander said ‘we should go back to the Government and say we want special consideration. We are in a unique and special position’. The County Planning Officer denied Cornwall was a special case. Planning officers are still denying this. And the Council is still not making a strong and consistent case for special treatment.

While the developers laugh all the way to the bank.


Fact check: The population of Cornwall in the 1980s grew by 10.6%. Population in the 2000s grew by 6.5%. At the end of the 1980s the Council was proposing a target of 39,500 houses. In the 2010s it’s proposing a target of 52,500 despite lower growth. Why???

Population growth falls yet housing target rises!

Population growth falls yet housing target rises!

Posted in councillors, Local Plan, population growth, Uncategorized | Leave a comment

Cornwall’s in-migration rate 50% higher than Britain

Brexiteers and remainers have been working themselves up into a lather over the latest immigration statistics. So let’s compare the record immigration into Britain announced this week with the most recent in-migration to Cornwall. (Incidentally, the latter was not a record by any means.)

Annual net-migration to Britain = 0.53% of the population. Cue headline news, panicking politicians and tabloid hysteria.

Annual net-migration to Cornwall = 0.82% of the population. Cue media silence, politicians ramping up housing target and developers just rampaging .

net migration

Posted in population growth | 2 Comments

The cynicism of power. Or how to make money in Cornwall.

The cynicism of power is now blatant and direct. Those who arrogate the right to decide for us openly and shamelessly parade their interests for all to see. Take the ‘examination’ of Cornwall Council’s Local Plan, which charade resumes its merry course for another couple of weeks starting next Monday – the 16th May.

In the old days of the 1980s structure plans were also subjected to ‘examinations in public’. But the proceedings were conducted in an atmosphere redolent of a relatively equal playing field. The House Builders Federation on the one side would argue for a higher housing target, campaigners would make their case for a lower figure, with all of them, at least on the surface, being treated with equal consideration.

No more. Many objected to ramping up the rate of housing and population growth in Cornwall, already three times higher than in England. They pointed out how an increase of 16% over recent (and falling) historic trend rates was insupportable and unsustainable. They asked why there has been a glaring failure to audit the accuracy of the official projections which underpin the increase in the housing target to 52,500.

More houses are already being built in Cornwall than anywhere in England or Wales in relation to our population. And they still want more.

More houses are already being built in Cornwall than anywhere in England or Wales in relation to our population. And they still want more.

Their representations have been casually defined by the government inspector, Simon Emerson, as ‘virtually identical’. Brusquely ordered to provide one spokesperson for all these ‘identical’ representations, a few brave campaigners for a sustainable Cornwall are being provided with a short slot in which to make their case.

They’ll be joined at the table on Tuesday morning, when the discussion turns to the housing target, by a gang of well-paid, hired mercenaries. These are the planning agents, paid to make a case for the big upcountry developers and local landlords, the boys (and a few girls) who helped ‘convince’ Emerson to add 5,000 to Cornwall Council’s figure last year at the beginning of this (deliberately?) long-drawn out process. Most of them seem to be based in Bristol but distance doesn’t prevent them knowing exactly what Cornwall ‘requires’. They’ve all provided pages of well-financed and attractively designed ‘evidence’ and will all be listened to attentively.

In contrast to those calling for a lower and more appropriate target, their representations, which can be read here, are not defined as ‘virtually identical’. Yet, what exactly are these non-identical representations saying?

  • Persimmon, unusual in that this developer makes a direct representation rather than hiding behind agents, feels a target of 52,500, only involving building the equivalent of more than five Truros in 20 years, just isn’t enough, It ‘falls short of the level of housing need required in Cornwall’ and should be raised to somewhere between 57,000 and 75,000.
Persimmon already has permission for 400 houses here at Liskeard. But they want more.

Persimmon already has permission for 400 houses here at Liskeard. But they want more.

  • The House Home [sic] Builders Federation disagrees. It thinks 52,500 is ‘on the low side’ and 60,000 would be more appropriate.

And then there’s all the planning agents, who are in no way making virtually identical representations.

  • Tetlow King, shedding copious crocodile tears over Cornwall’s ludicrously inflated Home Choice Register (which we are being asked to believe has grown by 50% in 5 years while in rural areas in England waiting lists have shrunk by a third over thee same period) want ‘a more robust figure’.
  • Origin3, representing Taylor Wimpey, LBX Properties, Comparo Ltd, Terrace Hill and the Tregothnan Estate, think the target should be ‘at least 52,500’. ‘An increase … is required’, they conclude.
  • Emery Planning, working for Wainhomes, are not having that and don’t agree. 52,500 is ‘a minimum’ and the target should be ‘at least 77,780’.
  • Barton Willmore, for Merriman Ltd, on the other hand, concludes that 52,500 is ‘not sufficient’ and has to be replaced by a ‘robust higher housing requirement figure’.
  • Collier Planning, for Linden Homes, feels differently. For them, a higher target of 58,000 to 66,000 is needed, even though this is based on a ‘conservative’ assessment.
  • Redrow Homes, which seems to have employed three different agents to ensure its case is heard among all these very different representations, conclude that 52,500 is ‘too conservative’ and ‘should be higher’.
Some of the countryside west of Truro soon to be sacrificed for the sake of 2,500 houses and developers' profits.

Some of the countryside west of Truro soon to be sacrificed for the sake of 2,500 houses and developers’ profits.

  • D2 Planning, for Jackamax at Helston, Barrett David Wilson Homes, Porthminster View Developments, Gonwin Developments and Bovis Homes, blusters that 52,500 ‘cannot be accepted’. This veiled threat is accompanied by the unique conclusion that a figure ‘in excess of 60,000’ would be ‘more appropriate’.
  • PCL Planning meanwhile reaches the innovative finding, found nowhere else, that the target ‘should and could be higher’, ‘at least 62,000’.
Land at Helston earmarked for housing.

Land at Helston earmarked for housing.

As we can see, the only different conclusions in the pages and pages of professionally and expensively produced technical supporting data with which they’re deluging the inspector revolve around the precise rise in the housing target. Should it be 10,000? Or perhaps 25,000? But, very oddly, according to the government’s planning inspector, who’s already boosted the Local Plan target by 5,000, these virtually identical conclusions are not virtually identical at all but completely and utterly different. So much so that all their authors have to be given their say at next week’s rigged ‘examination’

All this wasteful tomfoolery can be boiled to one simple sentence – ‘Give us more money’. In any rational world, the representations of the developers and landlords and their planning agents would be given short shrift and immediately excluded from consideration. This would be on the grounds that they have a massive vested interest in the outcome, as screwing an even higher housing target out of Cornwall Council means their plans stand even more chance of acceptance. Instead, in the farce that will be played out at Newquay next week their greed will be deferred to with all due pomp and ceremony.

Posted in Local Plan, official statistics, planning system, population growth, Uncategorized | 3 Comments

Cornwall is not ‘the same as everywhere else’

There’s a tendency on social media to claim that development pressures in Cornwall are nothing unique or out of the ordinary. ‘It’s the same everywhere’ and ‘no different here’ are the refrains. Sometimes, this can meld into a more vituperative, anti-Cornish rhetoric, as we see in the tide of trolling that inevitably accompanies issues such as the lack of funding for the Cornish language. The latter flows from a desperate, almost pathological in some cases, desire to deny difference to Cornwall and/or a stubborn refusal to understand what the words ‘national minority’ mean. However, let’s not dwell on the psychological problems of those who feel so threatened by Cornish demands for equal treatment.

It’s difficult to see what claims that Cornwall is ‘no different’ from anywhere else are supposed to imply. So what? Are we supposed to respond by saying ‘oh, well, that’s OK then, I’ll get back to Britain’s Got Talent‘. It’s irrelevant, as we’re living in Cornwall, not ‘anywhere else’. Clearly, many communities in rural England will also face the prospect of mass housing on nearby countryside However, let’s look at this in perspective and seek out evidence rather than rely on anecdotes and assertions that we’re the ‘same’ as everyone else.

If we do that we’ll soon discover that in practice the claim just doesn’t stack up. On many levels Cornwall is different from everywhere else, most obviously in the historic traces of its non-English language, a sense of national identity and its Celtic connections. But it’s different even in terms of mundane ‘development’ pressures, which are actually a lot greater in Cornwall than in most parts of England, both currently and historically.

Let’s take population growth since 1961. Here’s a map of population change in England and Wales. Cornwall ranks 8th. The areas with higher growth tend to be economic powerhouses in the east and south English Midlands or places with new towns. Neither of these factors were found in Cornwall, which in contrast is a region with chronic economic issues. In 56 English and Welsh counties, population growth was lower than in Cornwall.

population change 61-11 smallWhat about the increase in the housing stock since the Tories and Lib Dems imposed their build-at-all-costs planning framework in 2010? In this case, only four English counties outstrip Cornwall – Beds, Bucks, Cambs and Somerset. In the other 42 counties relative growth has been slower, in many cases a lot slower. And yet Cornwall is singled out by developers as being ‘closed for business’!

growth in housing stock small

houses per popn 2010-15 small


If we relate the growth in housing to the resident population, things get even worse. Not one English county has a rate of housebuilding as high as Cornwall in relation to its population. In comparable areas such as Cumbria, development pressures on this criterion are running more than 10 times lower.



Then, there’s the number of planning permissions granted last year in relation to the resident population. Again, only four out of 46 English counties had a higher rate than Cornwall – Shropshire, Herefordshire, Warwickshire and Somerset.

major apps granted 2015

And finally, we come to the real scandal. Here’s the change in housing waiting lists since 2010. waiting lists smallMysteriously, while Cornwall is at the top of the housebuilding league, the number of people on its waiting lists spiralled by 9,358 from 2011 to 2015. Yet, in English counties with similar high rates of house building, such as Somereset, Bucks and Cambs, waiting lists have been dramatically cut – by over a half. Across England as a whole, they’ve collapsed by a third since 2010.

So why is Cornwall so different? Despite being congratulated on building a lot of so-called ‘affordable homes’, why is ours one of the few waiting lists to have grown, while virtually all the rest have fallen? Does this means that Cornwall Council’s affordable housing policy has been an abysmal failure compared with most English counties? Or could waiting lists in Cornwall be a political tool, not a technical measure of housing need at all? In whose interests is it to maintain an artificially inflated waiting list, and indeed add to it in this way?

For all the above reasons, Cornwall is hardly the ‘same as everywhere else’. We’re paying a considerably higher environmental, economic and cultural price than anywhere else and Cornish communities shoulder an excessive burden in coping with rapid social change. And that’s before even factoring in the status of the Cornish people as a national minority and our non-English credentials.

Time for that much-touted but never delivered ‘fair deal for Cornwall’ perhaps.

Posted in discourses and ideologies, official statistics, population growth | 1 Comment